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What is the role of OLA? Formally, our mandate is to give legal advice on current matters of interest to the Secretary General, the Private Office and the International Staff IS and, to a lesser extent, advice on upcoming policy issues — breaking issues or matters that are going to be coming up in the future that have legal implications.

Could you give some examples of what your work entails in practice and what kinds of challenges you face?

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Another example is judicial immunities, where we play a general advisory and coordinating role within NATO as a whole. We are heavily involved in HR issues, as the ongoing reform efforts raise any number of legal questions.

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In addition to providing advice on such matters, a principal function of the OLA is to defend management decisions made in cases involving international staff in our internal administrative tribunal.

A new tribunal has recently been set up to replace the one that had been in place for the past 50 years or so, and we played a large role in shepherding that tribunal into existence. Understaffing is probably the biggest challenge we face.

I would also say that there is a difference in the way we work in comparison to many other international and national organizations, including our col- Peter OlSON: On the NATO policy side, however, a large part of the work is involved in divining the views and wishes of Nations and attempting to identify and create consensus among 28 nations.

Working in those two environments can be quite different. I am not the Legal Adviser for the whole of NATO, and have no hierarchical relationship with the other or so legal professionals throughout the Organization.

Most of these are on the military side, but there are also others in the other Agencies. On our side, of course, we are well aware that our advice often has implications throughout NATO, and to keep the interests of other NATO elements in mind as we provide that advice.

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In recent years we have also held a regular annual legal conference for all NATO lawyers, military and non-military, and even national lawyers involved with NATO, just to talk for a week about issues of common interest.

This conference has historically been organized by the two commands, but is a very important opportunity for the entire NATO legal community to come together and share common interests and perspectives.

The legal community in NATO is small enough for us all to know each other. We have a sense of ourselves as a discrete community, which I believe is unusual if not unparalleled elsewhere in NATO, and this annual conference is very important for building that.

We were last year, a little over half from NATO and the others from national governments and other international organizations. As one example of the type of work you do, could you tell us how you have been involved in Libya? Although there are some current issues, our principal involvement was during Operation Unified Protector -- the Libyan air campaign and maritime embargo carried out in During the campaign, we provided advice and guidance in particular with respect to the interface between the UN Security Council and subsequent NAC mandates for military action.

We had a role to ensure consistency between the two. Originally this was to look into the misdeeds of the Gadhafi regime, but it was expanded to include all parties active in Libya including NATO. A number of questions were raised about the military campaign, many implicitly questioning the lawfulness of NATO actions.

How do you and your office relate to the other legal offices within NATO? Pourriez-vous nous expliquer ce que cela signifie, et quelles en sont les implications dans la pratique? Our office took a lead in this on behalf of the Organization and the Allied and partner nations involved in the campagin, and I will say that conducting this defense was both professionally very satisfying and a shining example of the ways in which the law, and the Legal Office, can defend and uphold Alliance values and interests.

Could you explain what this means and the implications of this status are in practice? Basically, the rules say that no Allied courts have jurisdiction over us and no Allied courts can give judgement against us.

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The reason for this is to protect our ability, and that of other international organizations, to act freely without being subject to pressure through the courts of individual state parties. In recent years, we have seen the establishment of supranational judicial institutions of a sort that did not exist back when our immunities were being established.

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